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Holding Cambodia Accountable for Its Descent into One-Party Rule
Next Steps for Accountability
Given these new developments, the U.S. should take concerted action to hold Hun Sen and other cronies in the Cambodian government to account. The U.S. and 
other key actors in the international community, including the European Union, signaled their disapproval of the dissolution of the opposition and deteriorating conditions in the country. These actions may have been too little too late. A more robust response should have been carried out five years ago after flawed 2013 elections revealed a state of deteriorating democracy in Cambodia.22 The U.S. should take further steps to hold the Cambodian government accountable:
- Name and sanction Hun Sen and other party cadres for the role they play in undermining democracy in Cambodia. The U.S. Treasury Department should use all available tools in its toolbox to freeze and seize assets of known individuals actively obstructing freedom in Cambodia. It should expand its use of existing Global Magnitsky authorities and use any other relevant authorities to place individuals on the SDN list. Such an action would send a clear signal to Hun Sen that the U.S. will intervene in necessary ways to get Cambodia back on the path toward democratic reform.
- Expand existing visa restrictions on Cambodian officials undermining democracy. The U.S. State Department should follow through on promises made in its condemnation of the July 2018 election to expand existing visa restrictions on Cambodian government officials. One potential way to expand these authorities would be to extend visa restrictions unequivocally to family members, especially to Hun Sen’s direct family members. (Current visa restrictions only apply to family members on a case-by-case basis.)23
- Create and convene an emergency meeting of the Cambodia Contact Group comprised of parties to the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement, including the United States, Japan, Indonesia, Australia, the U.K., and France, to monitor and press for democratic reform. Among the purposes of the Paris agreement was to ensure “the right to self-determination of the Cambodian people through free and fair elections” and “assuring protection of human rights.”24 The signatories have a continuing moral obligation in this regard. The contact group should be used to coordinate human rights policies and assistance programs toward Cambodia. In short order, leaders from all of the countries at the foreign-minister level should convene to draw up coordinated plans to hold the Cambodian government accountable and get Cambodia back on the path toward reform.
- Condition assistance to Cambodia on the health of democracy. The U.S. should adopt stringent metrics for determining whether Cambodia is eligible for key assistance programs. Such language could mirror proposed conditions in the 2019 State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations bill.25 Language in the Senate version of the appropriations bill is particularly strong and specific. The U.S. government should conduct a thorough review of all assistance to Cambodia and consider instituting more severe restrictions on aid. Emphasis should be placed on holding the Cambodian government accountable without harming the people themselves.
- Continue to press for the release of Kem Sokha. Every U.S. government statement issued in response to deteriorating conditions in Cambodia should continue to reference Kem Sokha’s imprisonment and request that the Cambodian government release him immediately. The U.S. government should also make clear that there will be additional consequences if Kem Sokha continues to be held. Without a swift, coordinated plan democracy may never be restored in Cambodia. The U.S. and the international community should learn from the mistakes of its limited response after the 2013 election and respond to the 2018 elections in an offensive, rather than defensive, manner. The U.S. should plan for conditions to continue to deteriorate and put in place mechanisms that ensure Hun Sen and his CPP cronies are held to account
Read more details at Asia Foundation…
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As Singapore dredges sand out from beneath Cambodia’s mangrove forests, an ecosystem, a communal way of life, and one woman’s relationship to her beloved home are faced with the threat of erasure.
I remember my first trip to the mangrove forests near the island of Koh Sralau and along Cambodia’s coastline. I had no idea how extensive the mangrove forests were or how spectacular they would be. The forests stretched for miles and miles, carving out small islands, narrow waterways and channels, and ecologically diverse estuaries. I wanted to document the impact of sand dredging on the mangroves and on the lives of the people who live and thrive in these forests and the oceans surrounding them.
For over a decade, the government of Cambodia has granted several private companies concessions to mine these mangrove forests for sand. Each year, millions of metric tons of sand are shipped to Singapore to enlarge this island nation’s land mass, while Cambodia destroys its only natural protection against erosion, rising sea levels, tsunamis, and hurricanes and lays waste to a vital and fragile ecosystem that thousands of families depend on for their livelihood.
Read more details at Emergence Magazine…
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In late July, Cambodia participated (sort of) in the General Election, without having the option to choose the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which had been dissolved by the Supreme Court last November. The landslide victory by the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) all but assures Prime Minister Hun Sen of near total control of the country. For poll watchers, observers of democracy and human rights activists, the post-mortem reflection on Cambodia’s decline will be painful. But for how long? This brief analysis offers three likely developments in Cambodia that offer both a glimpse of optimism and words of warning.
No. 1: Any imposed sanctions on Cambodia will fail: When the CPP clamped down on political freedoms, Western governments reacted strongly, yet predictably. Economic sanctions were at the top of the list of suggested responses. The United States called forsanctions for Cambodia in January after the arrest of CNRP leader Kem Sokha. Recently, the U.S. and the European Union have called for sanctions on high-ranking officials and more, including thoughts of stripping Cambodia of tax-free access to Western textile markets. If implemented, the loss of revenue could top $650 million. While that wouldcause few reservations for the CPP and Prime Minister Hun Sen, the impact would be felt by up to a million poor Cambodians who work in the textile and garment industries. Sanctions would almost certainly jeopardize efforts to boost national economic standing. The World Bank graduated Cambodia from LDC to lower-middle-income status in 2016and the United Nations has been supporting the country in efforts to move to upper-middle income status by 2030. Threats of sanctions reflect myopic foreign policies that fail to grasp the larger economic and political landscape. While Cambodia will not be able to find alternative Chinese markets for their goods, they will find political solace from Beijing and a new source of legitimate criticism in which to rest short-term political futures. The Americans should learn from the past. The U.S. imposed a trade embargo on Cambodia after the Khmer Rouge gained to power in 1975 and kept them through 1992. Cambodia relied then on China and communist states for their economic survival and it will soon again. Economic sanctions simply don’t work. They rarely have.
No. 2: Cambodia’s civil society will re-emerge: Creeping authoritarianism in the months before the July 2018 election subjected Cambodian civil society groups working in Cambodia to repressive restrictions. Recently, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) found that the judiciary has been used by the government to tighten controls on civil society groups that the regime saw as a threat, including the closure of some independent media organizations, violent responses to demonstrations, and arbitrary detention and arrest of human rights and political activists. The government passed the Law on Associations and NGOs in 2015, which provided a legal means for threatening civil society groups. However, the cost of repression is often high and civil society often quickly learns to adapt to acts of state violence. One need only look at Cambodia’s neighbor to the west as an example. Thailand imposed a number of repressive laws in the aftermath of the 2014 coup d’etat. Groups of five people were banned from gathering in public, political activists were arrested, and thousands were forced into re-education camps. But, five years after the coup, civil society is showing signs of re-emergence. Unless Hun Sen is willing to use much more repressive means to curtail civil society activities, it is highly likely that CPP dominance will face the same legitimacy challenges Prayut and the NCPO face today. Discounting the power of civil society in Cambodia is to not properly remember its history. Cambodians who faced human rights challenges during the Khmer Rouge eramobilized society and formed the basis for a robust human rights movement–even before the arrival of UNTAC. While it may not emerge in the short-term, it will inevitably happen.
សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍អំពីការបោះឆ្នោតនៅកម្ពុជា
Op-Ed: The CEROC
គណៈកម្មាធិការដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសសូមថ្កោលទោសជាឱឡារិកដល់ការបោះឆ្នោតនៅថ្ងៃទី២៩ ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០១៨ ដែលប្រព្រឹត្តឡើងប្រកបដោយភាពលំអៀង មិនសុក្រិត្តយុត្តិធម៌ និងជាការបោកបញ្ឆោតសំលេងម្ចាស់ឆ្នោតប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរ១៦លាននាក់។
គណៈកម្មការជាតិដើម្បីការបោះឆ្នោតឬហៅកាត់គជបជាអង្គភាពបង្គ្រប់កិច្ចអោយរដ្ឋាភិបាលដើម្បីបោកបញ្ឆោតប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរ។ គជបមានមនុស្សធ្វើការមកពីគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ហើយគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបានរំកិលខ្លួនខ្ពស់ជាងស្ថាប័នជាតិសំខាន់ៗ។ ក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន-សែន ការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍សេដ្ឋកិច្ចនិងការកសាងហេដ្ឋារចនាសម្ព័ន្ធគឺគ្រាន់តែជាការលំអររូបភាពខាងក្រៅតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ ពីព្រោះក្នុងរយៈពេលជាង២២ឆ្នាំនេះ លោកហ៊ុន-សែននិងក្រុមរបស់គាត់បានបំលែងប្តូរនូវស្ថាប័នជាតិដោយជំនួសវិញគឺក្រុមស្វាមីភក្តិរបស់គាត់និងគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា។
យើងខ្ញុំសូមអំពាវនាវអោយប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសទាំងអស់ត្រូវឈរប្រកៀកស្មារជាមួយបងប្អូនប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្នុងប្រទេសក្នុងការជំរុញអោយស្តារលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យឡើងវិញ មានការបោះឆ្នោតឡើងវិញដែលអាចឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងឆន្ទៈប្រជាពលរដ្ឋពិតប្រាកដក្នុងការជ្រើសរើសតំណាងរបស់ខ្លួន។ សហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិជាពិសេសប្រទេសប្រកាន់របបប្រជាធិបតេយ្យត្រូវអនុវត្តន៍ជាក់ស្តែងជាជាងគ្រាន់តែសំដែងចំណាប់អារម្មណ៍និងសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍មិនទទួលស្គាល់ការបោះឆ្នោតនេះ។ ជាមេរៀន សូមអោយក្រុមអ្នកប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនិងសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិធ្វើការផ្លាស់ប្តូរទិសពីការពង្រឹងសមត្ថភាពប្រជាពលរដ្ឋម្នាក់ៗមកជាការពង្រឹងស្ថាប័នជាតិវិញ ព្រោះក្នុងរយៈពេល២៧ឆ្នាំនេះ ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរម្នាក់ៗបានយល់សុីជម្រៅនូវខ្លឹមសារលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យបានមួយចំនួនធំហើយ តែពួកគេនៅជាជនរងគ្រោះពីគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចដែលគ្របសង្កត់ទាំងស្រុងទៅលើស្ថាប័នជាតិ។
Committee for Election Rights of Overseas Cambodians (The CEROC) solemnly condemns the national election conducted in July 29, 2018 which has been in bias, unfair, and manipulating the 16 millions of Cambodian population.
National Election Committee (NEC) is the biased body commissioned to manipulate the Cambodian people. NEC has employed staffs majorly from ruling party (CPP), and CPP has embodied themselves higher than key national institutions. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Hun Sen, economic development and infrastructure are just a decoration of outside look because during his mandate of over 22 years, Prime Minister Hun Sen and his entourages have exchanged national institutions to replacing with his loyalists and CPP party.
We would like to appeal all Cambodians overseas to firmly shoulder with Cambodian people inside the country to demand the returning back of democracy in Cambodia, to conduct a new election that could reflect the will of the people in choosing their representatives. International communities particularly those democratic countries must take action rather than just expressing concerns and making statement of election condemnation. As lessons learnt, all democrats and international communities should make change of their direction from individual citizens’ capacity building to strengthening national institutions because during this period of 27 years, individual Cambodian has deepened knowledge of democracy principles but they have been remained victim of CPP that has evolved themselves to control major national institutions.
អានសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍ទាំងស្រុង Read complete statement in pdf
កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសនិងការស្លាប់នៃលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យអាណត្តិទី៦នេះ
Op-Ed: The CEROC
កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសនិងការស្លាប់នៃលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យអាណត្តិទី៦នេះ
Mr. Kemsrean Kheng, The CEROC’s Representative for State of Minnesota, USA
ខ្ញុំបាទខេង គិមស្រ៊ាន ថ្ងៃនេះមានកិត្តិយសតាងនាមអោយគណៈកម្មការដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសឬដែលហៅកាត់ថាដឺស៊ីរ៉ក់ក៏ដូចជាលោកសេង សុភ័ណដែលជាប្រធាន មកជាវាគ្មិនក្នុងមហាសន្និបាតខ្មែរពិភពលោកលើកទីពីរនៅរដ្ឋមិននីសូតានេះ។
បងប្អូនជនរួមជាតិជាទីគោរពរាប់អាន ពិភពលោកបានចេញចាកផុតពីយុគសង្រ្គាមត្រជាក់ឈានចូលយុគបច្ចុប្បន្ន ហើយកម្ពុជាដ៏អភ័ព មួយនេះបានស្គាល់ពន្លឺប្រជាធិបតេយ្យខ្លះក្រោមការជ្រោមជ្រែងរបស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិអោយមានការបោះឆ្នោតនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣ទៅតាមកិច្ចសន្យា នៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស២៣ តុលា ១៩៩១។ កាលនោះ ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសបានមានសិទ្ធិចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោតយ៉ាងពេញ លេញ តែក្រោយៗមកក្រោមការដឹកនាំនៃគណៈកម្មការជាតិរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតឬគជប ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសមិនត្រូវបានគេផ្តល់សិទ្ធិ អោយចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោតឡើយ។ ចាប់កំណើតកាលពីឆ្នាំ២០១៤ ស៊ីរ៉ក់បានធ្វើកិច្ចការជាច្រើនក្នុងការធ្វើយុទ្ធនាការប្រមូលញត្តិពីបងប្អូនយើងនៅក្រៅ ប្រទេសទាំងអស់ ក្នុងនោះក៏មានបងប្អូនយើងជាច្រើននៅរដ្ឋមីននីសូតាបានចូលរួមចុះហត្ថលេខា ហើយយើងខ្ញុំសូមថ្លែងអំណរគុណយ៉ាងជ្រាល ជ្រៅនៅទីនេះ, យើងបានជួបពិភាក្សាជាមួយគជបថ្មីមានលោកគួយ ប៊ុនរឿន លោករ៉ុង ឈុនជាដើម ហើយយើងបានសរសេរលិខិតទៅកាន់ប្រធានក្រុម តំណាងរាស្ត្រគណបក្សសំលេងភាគតិចគឺលោកស៊ុន-ឆ័យនៃគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ។ ពង្រាងច្បាប់មួយបានកើតឡើងដាក់ចូលសភាដើម្បីធ្វើវិសោធ នកម្មតូចមួយដែលអាចអោយពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសអាចមានសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតបាន។ តែជាអកុសល ក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់លោកហ៊ុន-សែន មិនមែនតែពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសទេដែលត្រូវបានគេផាត់ចោលនិងព្រងើយកន្តើយ ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្នុងប្រទេសក៏ត្រូវបានគេលាបព៌ណនិងធ្វើទុក្ខបុកម្នេញគ្រប់បែបយ៉ាងដោយគ្រាន់តែពួកគេមាននិន្នការគាំទ្រគណបក្សជំទាស់ឬនិន្នាការកណ្តាលដូចជាក្រុមសង្គមស៊ីវិល។
មកដល់ថ្ងៃនេះគឺ២៧ឆ្នាំហើយក្រោយកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស ដែលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់លោកហ៊ុន-សែន បានបំផ្លាញចោលលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យសេរីពហុបក្សចោលដោយសារតែមើលឃើញថាគណបក្សជំទាស់គឺគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិអាចមានប្រជាពល- រដ្ឋគាំទ្រច្រើនជាងខ្លួនបើទុកអោយមានការប្រកួតប្រជែងការបោះឆ្នោតមួយដោយសុក្រឹតត្រឹមត្រូវនិងយុត្តិធម៌។ ការបោះឆ្នោតថ្ងៃ២៩ កក្កដា ២០១៨ គឺជាឆាកល្ងោនប្រជាភិថុតបោកប្រាស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរថាមានពហុបក្សតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ តែតាមការពិតប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនិងសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិមិនអាច ទទួលយកបាននូវរបបដឹកនាំបែបឯកបក្សនិងផ្តាច់ការនេះបានទេ។ ក្រោមការជួយជ្រោមជ្រែងពីសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិជាពិសេសប្រទេសហត្ថលេខីនៃ កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរទាំងក្នុងប្រទេសនិងក្រៅប្រទេសប្តេជ្ញាប្តូរប្តាច់អោយមានការបោះឆ្នោតឡើងវិញ មានការចូល រួមពីគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ មានការដោះលែងលោកកឹម-សុខានិងអ្នកទោសនយោបាយទាំងអស់ ទុកជាមោឃៈនូវច្បាប់ទាំងឡាយណាដែលផ្ទុយ ពីរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ និងអនុវត្តន៍ជាក់ស្តែងតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញដើម្បីអោយតុលាការឯករាជ្យ ពង្រឹងសមត្ថភាពស្ថាប័នព្រះមហាក្សត្រ មន្ត្រីរាជការទាំង ស៊ីវិលនិងកងប្រដាប់អាវុធត្រូវតែអព្យាក្រិត-ឯករាជ្យជាដើម។ សូមអរគុណជាអនេកកប្បការ! ថ្ងៃទី៤ ខែសីហា ២០១៨
View the speech through Youtube Channel of Cambodians Overseas
Sovantha and Rozeth: Two opposite sides of the same Cambodian coinNew Content Item
Additional analysis on youtube on this very essential issue of Cambodian youths and the Upcoming Election
Sovantha and Rozeth: Two opposite sides of the same Cambodian coin
Op-Ed: ChannelNewsAsia.Com
PHNOM PENH: They are two young women full of hopes for their nation: High profile, energetic and not afraid to speak their mind.
They are also two opposite sides of the same coin.
Thy Sovantha and Sin Rozeth have perhaps far bigger profiles than their respective career achievements so far might suggest.
Sovantha is a social media juggernaut – a hugely influential but controversial political maven, a turncoat for some, who rallies in the name of the ruling party.
Rozeth defied expectations as a fresh and unversed opposition candidate swept into a most unlikely rule and then cut down in the purge of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) last year.
But it is not what they have done so far that counts. It is their potential to inspire in a country deeply divided.
The power of new youthful voices has never been realised under a strong armed-government installed since 1985. The old and forceful hands of the kingdom have a finite shelflife.
And on both sides of politics, Sovantha and Rozeth are the faces of an awakening new generation.
TRANSFORMING SOVANTHA
On a daily basis during this election campaigning period, Thy Sovantha’s 2.2 million Facebook followers have been treated to her vote-garnering activities, mostly in rural provinces.
Amid an array of fashionable outfits, she is also often adorned in ruling party colours. But the 23-year-old was once the darling of the nation’s opposition.
Just five years ago, as the importance of social media on the political environment began to be understood, the vision of the then teenager standing through the sunroof of her Lexus demanding Prime Minister Hun Sen’s defeat at the polls was a revelation.
Now, she shares old photographs and contemporary speeches of the leader she respectfully calls “Grandpa”.
“Samdech (Hun Sen) used to say that he used to see my Facebook. Even when I used to criticise him, he still clicked ‘Like’ for me. So, it meant that Samdech accepted some of my points,” she said.
Her transformation from a radical revolutionary to one of the government’s sharpest weapons was a dramatic, if not murky, one, involving allegations of spying, betrayal and epiphany.
She admits she was naive, clouded by desire to see change and made mistakes back then. Sovantha was a self-described “ordinary girl” with no political connections wading out into a toxic and dangerous tide.
“We wanted to change. We wanted to change leaders. We wanted to change the country. But at that time, I didn’t understand,” she told Channel NewsAsia, sitting in the expansive chamber of the National Library in Phnom Penh.
In 2018, she is unwavering in her passion for a new and improved Cambodia, just under the same management as the last three decades.
“I am very proud that I was a youth who criticised the government. I made mistakes. But the government understood my mind and my heart and gave me a chance to participate in developing the society,” she said.
“Now, I still want change but I understand the way.”
She strongly argues that reform can best be delivered from a position of strength, not through struggle and believes that the government has already begin “cutting out the bad flesh”.
She has little sympathy for forgotten friends and speaks with venomous conviction about the “dangerous” characteristics of the opposition movement she once belonged to and in particular exiled former opposition leader Sam Rainsy, who continues to call for a boycott of the July 29 election.
“I think it is dangerous by creating an idea of division among the people. If no CNRP, then nothing at all. It is a kind of nepotism and violent and individualism.”
ROZETH’S RESISTANCE
Some 300km from the capital, in the comparatively quiescent town of Battambang, Sin Rozeth continues to uphold the democratic ideals of Rainsy. While he may be yesterday’s man in the struggle to overhaul Hun Sen, Rozeth has the potential to be tomorrow’s woman.
Officially, she is just a restaurateur and online entrepreneur these days, but her three short months as commune chief of her local district made an impression.
She was cornered, coerced and offered the chance to stay in the seat by defecting to the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) when her party was legally dismantled. When she refused to switch sides, leading authorities might have hoped she would switch off.
While her colleagues and contemporaries have been silenced, Rozeth remains a brave front of resistance.
“Sometime, we know how to protect children and wives and our families, our small families,” she said. “But when our big family is suffering, why don’t we come out to protect it?
“I think that if I am born with eyes to see and born with a mouth, but I close my mouth, it is meaningless to live. It means I am living but waiting for death. So, no, I have to speak out.
“Our life is not immortal, but what is immortal is our homeland.”
Amid a climate of fear and ongoing threats, Rozeth’s courage has formed through necessity. But political intimidation is just the latest stanza of a brave life that was steeled and strengthened when she was seven or eight years old.
“I knew how to sell pineapple alone on the train. I could go to sell black beetles at a concert at midnight and when my mother went to join meetings in Phnom Penh, I could sleep alone in a straw house without walls at a young age, with just a kerosene lamp.
“I put a knife under my pillow in case any wanted to abuse or mistreat me. I can protect myself.”
A WOMAN’S PLACE
Both of these young women’s rise to prominence defies the lingering notion in Cambodia that public life is a man’s game. Both have fought the prejudices and antiquated customs to stake their place in what remains a patriarchal society.
They may disagree on how the country should advance and who should lead it, but both see women at the forefront of the discussion.
“I think it is unfair. We are the same. We are human beings. We must be equal. I have my mind, very strong, so I can do everything,” Sovatha said.
“They are afraid of facing danger at the moment because there are threats, imprisonment and because of all means of intimidation. All these factors are making our women feel hesitant,” Rozeth said.
“If we intend to participate in developing the country, we have to be self-confident. Then, we take the chance.”
They are nothing alike. One, the immaculate polish on the facade of an oft-reviled regime, the other a bespectacled champion of the hushed underdog.
One will vote with certainty on Sunday, the other will boycott holding her clean finger in the air without fear. And both know the realities of the outcome, decided many months ago when the CNRP was banished.
The country is unlikely to be much different next week, but both Sovantha and Rozeth will take their places in fighting for their visions for Cambodia.
Down the line, eventually, when the youth stand up and take their place steering this country’s future, they may not be so different after all.
Read more at https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asia/sovantha-and-rozeth-cambodian-election-opposition-10562820