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Posted by: | Posted on: December 7, 2018

European Sanctions Are a Response to Cambodia’s Totalitarian Shift

Op-Ed: The Diplomat

European Sanctions Are a Response to Cambodia’s Totalitarian Shift

Let the Cambodia earth witness for the Sam RainsySince 2001 Cambodia has benefited from an exceptional trading advantage, granted by the European Union thanks to an initiative known as “Everything But Arms” (EBA).  This provides the possibility of exporting to Europe without quotas or customs duties. The advantage was given to a group of countries in the process of development and transition toward democracy. The intention of the European Commission was to help “least developed countries” to escape from poverty but also — a parallel, mandatory, criteria — to progress on the path to democracy and respect for human rights.

Since its creation, the EBA program has proved vital for Cambodia, whose economy is based on the export-oriented clothing industry (40 percent of GDP and 60 percent of exports). The European Union buys 40 percent of the clothes produced in Cambodia, through leading international brands.

In September, the European Union decided to begin the process of suspending Cambodia’s EBA participation because of the totalitarian drift of the regime in Phnom Penh. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Hun Sen — a former Khmer Rouge member who has been in power since 1985 — the only opposition party in parliament, the CNRP, was arbitrarily dissolved in late 2017 and its leader, Kem Sokha, arrested, while civil society organizations and the independent media were shut down. This set the scene for rigged elections in July 2018, with 100 percent of the seats in the National Assembly being won by the ruling party. Such a result demonstrates the return to a Communist-style, single-party system which the Paris Accords of 1991 intended to banish.

Beyond applying pressure for the respect of democratic principles and human rights, this threatened European sanction could kill two birds with one stone by also triggering healthy economic reforms through better governance. Cambodia is, according to Transparency International, one of the most corrupt countries in the world and, according to the World Bank, one of the poorest. The correlation between corrupt governance and poverty no longer needs to be demonstrated; the former leads directly to the latter.This totalitarian drift violates the conditions to benefit from EBA, and obliged the European Union to punish the Phnom Penh regime by suspending it. But the suspension will only be effective after a delay of 12 months, giving Hun Sen time — supposing that he has the political will — to return to the path of democracy.

The most flagrant evidence of poor governance doesn’t just lie in the systematic pillage of national wealth by an elite which clings to power indefinitely. It also consists in poor strategic decisions taken by irresponsible leaders who are incapable of a clear and coherent vision for the future of their country.

The weight of the clothing industry in Cambodia and the country’s dependence on this single industry are a striking example of this poor governance. Since the start of the process of globalization and the return of peace in the 1990s, an industrial revolution has taken place in Cambodia, driven by a clothing industry characterized by low added value and low salaries (the basic salary of a Cambodian worker is currently $170 per month). But over the last 20 to 25 years, instead of using this industry as a basis from which to diversify the economy toward higher added-value industries, the regime has allowed the national economy to become ever more dependent on a single industry. This negligence has aggravated Cambodia’s relative poverty compared to neighboring countries.

Worse, productivity within this clothing industry remains very low, meaning Cambodia can’t compete internationally without the commercial advantages provided by the European Union. Weak productivity itself reflects poor governance in the form of dilapidated public and social services, notably in health, education and professional training. Cambodia’s lack of industrial competitivity results from the corruption and negligence lamented by investors, who are faced with poor road and port infrastructure, administrative costs that include bribes to be paid at every level, exorbitant prices for state-supplied electricity, and so on.

If, to be able to survive, Cambodia’s clothing industry, a pillar of the national economy, must rely indefinitely on European trading advantages to resist competition from others who lack them, then the European Union will be subsidising and financially rewarding, through the trading system, the corruption and poor governance of the regime.

This raises the question of the effectiveness of international aid, which starts from good intentions, but has perverse effects which may do the recipient country more harm than good by helping to maintain anachronistic structures.

Faced with Hun Sen, who is holding his people hostage as part of a campaign to emotionally blackmail the international community, Europe must hold firm. The dictator has feet of clay and his days are numbered in the absence of imperative and urgent reforms.

Sam Rainsy is an exiled leader of the Cambodian opposition and former minister of finance.

This piece originally appeared in French in Libération.

Posted by: | Posted on: November 16, 2018

គំរប់ពេលមួយឆ្នាំនៃការរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិទាំងបំពាន

Op-Ed: The CEROC

សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍

Public Statement on the Dissolution of CNRP 16 November 2018គំរប់ពេលមួយឆ្នាំនៃការរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិទាំងបំពាន

សូមគោរពបងប្អូនជនរួមជាតិទាំងអស់ជាទីស្រឡាញ់រាប់អាន!

‌            ថ្ងៃនេះទី១៦ ខែវិច្ឆិកា ឆ្នាំ២០១៨ ជាគំរប់ពេលមួយឆ្នាំដែលតុលាការកំពូលនៃព្រះរាជា ណាចក្រកម្ពុជាបានសម្រេចចិត្តរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិជាគណបក្សជំទាស់តែមួយគត់ ក្នុងរបបប្រជាធិបតេយ្យសេរីពហុបក្សដែលចាប់កំណើតតាំងពីឆ្នាំ១៩៩១ដោយអ៊ុនតាក់។

ការរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិនេះគឺជាកំហុសដ៏ធំរបស់ប្រព័ន្ធតុលាការកម្ពុជាជាពិសេសតុលាការកំពូលដែលបានសំអាងទៅលើច្បាប់ថ្មីវិសោធនកម្មដោយលើកដៃពីសមាជិកតំណាងរាស្ត្រគណបក្សប្រជាជនទាំងស្រុងកាលពីខែកុម្ភៈឆ្នាំង២០១៧។ ច្បាប់ដែលធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មដោយឯកបក្សនេះមានចែងអំពីបុគ្គលថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំគណបក្សនយោបាយដែលប្រព្រឹត្តបទល្មើសអាជ្ញាកម្ម អាចឈានដល់រំលាយគណបក្សដែលបុគ្គលនោះគ្រប់គ្រងចោល។

ប្រការនេះបានបង្ខំចិត្តអោយលោកសម-រង្ស៊ី ប្រធានគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិលាលែងចេញ ពីតំណែងប្រធានគណបក្សក្នុងន័យដើម្បីរក្សាគណបក្សអោយមានជីវិតបន្តពីព្រោះតុលាការខ្មែរបានបង្កើតបទចោទប្រកាន់ជាច្រើនជាពិសេសបទបរិហារកេរ្តិ៍ប្រមុខរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលកំរិតបទឧក្រិដ្ឋដល់លោកសម-រង្ស៊ី។

ប៉ុន្តែអាជ្ញាធរបានបុកចូលផ្ទះលោកកឹម-សុខាទាំងកណ្តាលយប់អាធ្រាតដើម្បីចាប់លោក យកទៅឃុំឃាំងក្នុងគុកត្រពាំងផ្លុងក្នុងទោសក្បត់ជាតិចោទប្រកាន់ពីសំណាក់រដ្ឋាភិបាលដឹកនាំដោយលោកហ៊ុន-សែន។ ការចាប់នេះគឺជាការឃុំខ្លួនបណ្តោះអាសន្នដើម្បីស៊ើបអង្កេតស្វែងរកភស្តុតាង។ ហើយមកដល់ថ្ងៃនេះចៅក្រមស៊ើបអង្កេតមិនទាន់កាត់ក្តីសម្រេចចិត្តដាក់បន្ទុកលើ លោកកឹម-សុខានៅឡើយទេ។

ដូច្នេះតុលាការកំពូលគ្មានតឹកតាងណាឬអំណាស់អំណាងផ្លូវច្បាប់ណាដែលអាចរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិបានឡើយ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀតចៅក្រមស៊ើបសួរក៏គ្មានច្បាប់ណាអនុញ្ញាតអោយលោកបន្តឃុំខ្លួនបណ្តោះអាសន្នយូររហូតមកដល់សព្វថ្ងៃនេះដែរ។

គណៈកម្មាធិការដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសសូមអំពាវនាវដល់ សហគមអន្តរជាតិនិងលោកហ៊ុន-សែន ត្រូវពិចារណាដកលោកឌិត-មន្ទីដែលជាប្រធានតុលាការកំពូលចេញពីតំណែង ក្នុងការដែលលោកសម្រេចរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដោយខ្វះ មូលដ្នានច្បាប់ និងធ្វើឡើងដោយអគតិភាព រំលោភអំណាច និងអសីលធម៌។ ដូចគ្នាដែរ ត្រូវដកលោកគី-ប្ញទ្ធីដែលជាចៅក្រមស៊ើបសួរករណីលោកកឹម-សុខាក្នុងការដែលលោកអសមត្ថភាពក្នុងការបំពេញការងារដោយបន្តឃុំខ្លួនលោកកឹម-សុខាមកអស់រយៈពេលជាងមួយឆ្នាំមកនេះ។

ធ្វើនៅកាណាដា ថ្ងៃទី១៦ ខែវិច្ឆិកា ឆ្នាំ២០១៨

Public Statement on the Dissolution of CNRP 16 November 2018 in pdf file

Posted by: | Posted on: November 13, 2018

Where in the world is Cambodia?

Op-Ed: NewMandala

Considering the prime minister’s firm control over Cambodia’s political and economic institutions and his proven ability to exploit the tension caused by conflicts and disputes in all those three areas(a narrative of suspicion, moral superiority and hierarchy, and a new rhetoric) , a thorough review of democracy promoters’ rhetoric and strategy might well be overdue.

ពិចារណាលើការក្តោបអំណាចយ៉ាងមាំរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីទៅលើស្ថាប័នសេដ្ឋកិច្ចនិងនយោបាយ ហើយសមត្ថភាពជាក់ស្តែងរបស់គាត់ដើម្បីកេងចំណេញលើភាពតានតឹងបណ្តាលមកពីការបែកបាក់និងជំលោះនៅគ្រប់លក្ខ័ន្ធទាំងបីនោះ(សាច់រឿងអោយមានការសង្ស័យ, ឋានានុក្រមនិងសក្តិយសខ្ពស់ផ្នែកសីលធម៌, និងវោហាសាស្ត្រថ្មី)ការពិនិត្យពិច័យល្អិតល្អន់ទៅលើវោហាសាស្ត្រនិងយុទ្ធសាស្ត្ររបស់អ្នកផ្សព្វផ្សាយលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យអាចនឹងត្រូវហួសពេលអស់យ៉ាងច្បាស់។

Read the whole article with newmandala in details

Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy (C-L) raises hands with Kem Sokha (C-R), deputy of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) in front of members of parliament before the swearing in ceremony inside the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh on August 5, 2014. Rainsy and 54 other members of his party were sworn in as members of parliament on August 5, after a year-long boycott of parliament triggered by a disputed election. AFP PHOTO/ TANG CHHIN SOTHY / AFP PHOTO / TANG CHHIN SOTHY

Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy (C-L) raises hands with Kem Sokha (C-R), deputy of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) in front of members of parliament before the swearing in ceremony inside the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh on August 5, 2014. Rainsy and 54 other members of his party were sworn in as members of parliament on August 5, after a year-long boycott of parliament triggered by a disputed election. AFP PHOTO/ TANG CHHIN SOTHY / AFP PHOTO / TANG CHHIN SOTHY

Mu Sochua closed her talk by singing a song from the campaign trail.

Mu Sochua closed her talk by singing a song from the campaign trail.

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, the United States, 28 September 2018 (Photo: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz).

Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, the United States, 28 September 2018 (Photo: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz).

Posted by: | Posted on: November 13, 2018

High-stakes wager underlines Cambodia’s dysfunction

Sam Rainsy claimed that such “international pressure” will force the CPP government to hold a swift trial for Kem Sokha in the coming months, after which Hun Sen will grant him a royal pardon. This would allow the CPP government to make headway in negotiations with the EU and US, forestalling further sanctions.

“No, I won’t release him,” Hun Sen responded hours after Sam Rainsy offered the wager over social media, adding that Kem Sokha would only be released when “the horse grows horns.”

លោកសម-រង្សុីអៈអាងថាគំនាបអន្តរជាតិនោះនឹងជំរុញអោយរដ្ឋាភិបាលគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបើកការកាត់ក្តីភ្លាមៗសម្រាប់លោកកឹម-សុខាក្នុងខែខាងមុខ បន្ទាប់មកលោកហ៊ុន-សែននឹងស្នើសុំព្រះមហាក្សត្រដើម្បីលើកលែងទោស។ ធ្វើដូច្នេះអាចបើកផ្លូវអោយរដ្ឋាភិបាលគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាត្រួសត្រាយផ្លូវចរចារជាមួយអុីយូនិងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកដើម្បីទប់ស្កាត់ការគិតជាមុនក្នុងរឿងដាក់ទណ្ឌកម្មបន្ថែម។

ទេ ខ្ញុំនឹងមិនដោះលែងគាត់ដាច់ខាត – លោកហ៊ុន-សែនឆ្លើយតបមិនប៉ុន្មានម៉ោងក្រោយលោកសម-រង្សុីបបួលការភ្នាល់តាមបណ្តាញសង្គម ដោយលោកហ៊ុន-សែនបន្ថែមថាដោះលែងលុះត្រាតែសេះដុះស្នែង។


The connections between the CPP and senior judiciary officials is obvious. Dith Munty, the Supreme Court’s president who presided over the CNRP’s dissolution case, is a member of the CPP’s elite Permanent Committee, its main decision-making body.

Chiv Keng and Chea Leang, members of the Supreme Court’s jurist council, sit on the party’s more voluminous Central Committee, as does Yun Bunleng, president of the country’s Appeals Court.

ទំនាក់ទំនងរវាងគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជានិងមន្ត្រីតុលាការជាន់ខ្ពស់គឺពិតជាក់ស្តែង។ លោកឌិត-មន្ទី ជាប្រធានតុលាការកំពូលដែលដឹកនាំករណីរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិគឺជាសមាជិកគណកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃយ៌សំខាន់របស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ជាអង្គភាពខាងផ្តល់ការសម្រេចចិត្តសំខាន់របស់ខ្លួន។

លោកជីវ-កេងនិងអ្នកស្រីជា-លៀង ជាសមាជិកក្រុមប្រឹក្សានៃអង្គចៅក្រមនៃតុលាការកំពូល អង្គុយជាគណៈកម្មាធិការកណ្តាលជាមួយសមាជិកដ៏ច្រើនផ្សេងទៀតរបស់គណបក្សកាន់អំណាចនេះ រួមទាំងលោកយូ-ប៊ុនលេងផងដែរដែលជាប្រធានតុលាការឧទររបស់ប្រទេស។

Op-Ed: Asia Time

High-stakes wager underlines Cambodia’s dysfunction

PM Hun Sen takes a bet with exiled opposition rival Sam Rainsy that could force him to choose between continued political domination and economic survival

 PHNOM PENH, NOVEMBER 12, 2018 4:05 PM (UTC+8)
Cambodia-Hun Sen-Sam Rainsy-2015-Youtube

The intention of Sam Rainsy, the former CNRP president who has been in exile since late 2015, appears to be to force Hun Sen to choose between his own domination of politics and the country’s economic survival. Kem Sokha’s liberty, however, could come at the cost of both.

With the CNRP off the ballot, the CPP easily won July’s general election, securing all 125 seats in the National Assembly. The international community, meanwhile, described the election as illegitimate and are lining up retaliatory sanctions for the move away from democracy.

After a year of political deterioration, the CPP government is under intense pressure from the international community and could soon be removed from a preferential-trade scheme by the European Union, its largest export market.

The United States, which has imposed financial sanctions on some Cambodian officials, has along with the EU made the dropping of charges against Kem Sokha one of its chief diplomatic demands.

Sam Rainsy claimed that such “international pressure” will force the CPP government to hold a swift trial for Kem Sokha in the coming months, after which Hun Sen will grant him a royal pardon. This would allow the CPP government to make headway in negotiations with the EU and US, forestalling further sanctions.

“No, I won’t release him,” Hun Sen responded hours after Sam Rainsy offered the wager over social media, adding that Kem Sokha would only be released when “the horse grows horns.”

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen (C) casts his vote during the general elections as his wife Bun Rany (centre L) looks on in Phnom Penh on July 29, 2018. Photo: AFP/Manan Vatsyayana

Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen (C) casts his vote during the general elections as his wife Bun Rany (centre L) looks on in Phnom Penh on July 29, 2018. Photo: AFP/Manan Vatsyayana

Fresh News, a CPP-aligned media outlet, quoted Hun Sen as saying that he agreed to Sam Rainsy’s wager. “I bet with Sam Rainsy. If Kem Sokha is released, Hun Sen will resign; but if not, Rainsy shall dare to be arrested,” he reportedly said.

Sam Rainsy later claimed that he had tricked Hun Sen – “who has fallen into my trap”, he said – by explicitly showing himself to be a “dictator who is using the court as a political tool.”

For months, government spokespeople have said that Kem Sokha’s detention is a matter for the judiciary and neither Hun Sen nor government ministers have any say in the matter. Hun Sen’s public comments, however, appear to be an admission he controls the judiciary, analysts said.

“This says that even Hun Sen finds Cambodia’s judicial system farcical,” said Paul Chambers, a political analyst at the College of Asean Community Studies at Naresuan University in Thailand. “Hun Sen is happy to let everyone clearly understand that only he controls the levers of power and jurisprudence in the country.”

Sam Rainsy, who spoke to Asia Times over the weekend, defended the wager. “This is a unique opportunity to make things move forward and to break the deadlock,” he said.

“I accept to possibly lose my freedom in order to ensure freedom for the Cambodian people. But Hun Sen’s falling into my trap has made his position untenable.”

The wager, however, could be a lose-lose for both. By publicly accepting the wager with the proviso that he will step down, there will undoubtedly be criticism of Hun Sen if Kem Sokha is released and he remains as prime minister.

The EU said in October that the process to remove Cambodia from its Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme could begin by early next year.

A garment shop is displayed along a street in Phnom Penh, Cambodia July 5, 2017. REUTERS/Samrang Pring

A garment shop along a street in Phnom Penh, Cambodia July 5, 2017. Photo: Reuters/Samrang Pring

If enforced, analysts predict the implosion of Cambodia’s export- driven economy, especially its garment sector, currrently the largest contributor to gross domestic product. The country’s garments are chiefly sold to European markets.

The EU demands that charges be dropped against Kem Sokha, one condition that could save Cambodia’s place in the EBA scheme.

But if Hun Sen sticks to the wager, then Kem Sokha will either have to be imprisoned and not pardoned – his charge carries a possible 15 year sentence – or held in pre-trial detention until March 3, which would be in violation of Cambodian law.

“It does appear that someone took the bait and ended-up making a farce of judicial independence and the rule of law,” said Sophal Ear, associate professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College at Los Angeles “Surely [Hun Sen] should have seen it coming – as a chess player and master of strategy.”

Somewhat ironically, the wager was made during the visit of Rhona Smith, UN Human Rights Council’s Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Cambodia. She spoke chiefly about the need for judicial reform during her two weeks in Phnom Penh. (The government denied her a meeting with Kem Sokha.)

The connections between the CPP and senior judiciary officials is obvious. Dith Munty, the Supreme Court’s president who presided over the CNRP’s dissolution case, is a member of the CPP’s elite Permanent Committee, its main decision-making body.

Chiv Keng and Chea Leang, members of the Supreme Court’s jurist council, sit on the party’s more voluminous Central Committee, as does Yun Bunleng, president of the country’s Appeals Court.

FILE PHOTO - Supporters of Kem Sokha, leader of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), stand outside the Appeal Court during a bail hearing for the jailed opposition leader in Phnom Penh, Cambodia September 26, 2017. REUTERS/Samrang Pring

Kem Sokha supporters stand outside an Appeal Court during a hearing for the jailed opposition leader in Phnom Penh, September 26, 2017. Photo: Reuters/Samrang Pring

“Cambodia’s courts are not independent. If anything is remotely political, they take their marching orders from the executive branch [of the CPP]. It’s not the rule of law; it’s the rule of man, and one man in particular,” said Sophal Ear. “Judicial independence is still a dream in Cambodia.”

Human rights campaigners, journalists and political commentators were arrested in the months leading up to the election, but some had their convictions quashed post-election under royal pardons, which were requested by Hun Sen.

Indeed, Hun Sen’s new one-party state has been swiftly loosening some of the restrictions it enacted before July’s general election. However, Hun Sen and other senior CPP officials say there is zero possibility of the CNRP being reinstated as a political entity.

Sam Rainsy, meanwhile, also finds himself in a tricky position. For a start, he has now publicly stated that will return to Cambodia to face imprisonment if Kem Sokha isn’t released by March.

Some CNRP members have spoken privately of their displeasure at Sam Rainsy fleeing the country in 2015, rather than staying to resist. If he fails to stick to the wager’s terms, it could further tarnish his reputation for integrity.

Added to this, some within the Party thought Kem Sokha would be more likely released if tensions between the CPP and CNRP eased. But by pouring more gas onto the fire, Sam Rainsy might have scuppered any such accommodation.

Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy (C-L) raises hands with Kem Sokha (C-R), deputy of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) in front of members of parliament before the swearing in ceremony inside the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh on August 5, 2014. Rainsy and 54 other members of his party were sworn in as members of parliament on August 5, after a year-long boycott of parliament triggered by a disputed election. AFP PHOTO/ TANG CHHIN SOTHY / AFP PHOTO / TANG CHHIN SOTHY

Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy (C-L) raises hands with Kem Sokha (C-R), deputy of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) in front of members of parliament before the swearing in ceremony inside the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh on August 5, 2014. Rainsy and 54 other members of his party were sworn in as members of parliament on August 5, after a year-long boycott of parliament triggered by a disputed election. AFP PHOTO/ TANG CHHIN SOTHY / AFP PHOTO / TANG CHHIN SOTHY

Hun Sen, a stubborn leader who has been premier since 1985, might have been willing to release Kem Sokha because of international pressure, analysts say, but he would not be willing to lose even more face by backing down to Sam Rainsy’s gamble, too.

“Because of the bet, Kem Sokha is sure not to be released by March 3,” said Sophal Ear.

It has also re-opened rifts between the two main factions of the CNRP, which was formed in 2012 by the merger of Sam Rainsy’s eponymous party and Kem Sokha’s Human Rights Party.

In 2016, tensions between the two leaders’ groups spilled out into the open, when one senior party official threatened to quit unless underlying issues were resolved.

After the CNRP’s dissolution, Sam Rainsy and some party members who came from his original party formed in America the Cambodia National Rescue Movement (CNRM). At the time, Kem Sokha loyalists claimed this was Sam Rainsy’s attempt to re-assert his control over the opposition movement.

Kem Sokha took over as CNRP president in early 2017 after Sam Rainsy was forced to resign due to legal changes in Cambodia that would have dissolved the party if he remained as leader.

“Kem Sokha and Sam Rainsy have been political allies in the CNRP only when it suits them. In this case, Rainsy seems to be trying to promote himself as the leading personality opposing Hun Sen, even if the bet is detrimental to Kem Sokha,” said Chambers. “But ultimately if because of the bet the CNRP’s two leading factions grow further apart, it only helps Hun Sen.”

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