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Posted by: | Posted on: September 3, 2016

Voters registration should be inclusive for all

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 74

Sophan The Ceroc (2)The CEROC president appealed Cambodia National Election Committees (NEC) to ensure inclusiveness in voters registration.

Voters registration is the first step important to second step of election day. While the voters registration could be conducted everywhere, migrant workers and Cambodian abroad should be included.

Posted by: | Posted on: September 3, 2016

When incumbent government changed which level of positions shall be changed?

Image Credit: Ari V/ Shutterstock.com

Image Credit: Ari V/ Shutterstock.com

Political history of Cambodia has illustrated less scene on how changing from government to government affects on incumbent government’s level of public servants? Major scenes are regime change which changed the whole system. But during the UN’s monitored election in 1993, the change of government was become impossible as two prime ministers and other two assigned duties to each political apparatus smoothly coordinated. During that time, some leaders said the change were down to principles and superintendents of public schools. This practice has surely affected on society unity and corruption embeddedness. Now, there are questions on how CNRP plan to change level of government’s positions when this party won election in 2018?

Believe it or not, Cambodia home-made democracy is a Raem Vong (round dance) approach. We have difficulty in jumping off from god-king politics to modern democracy politics. And the constraints are level of education and embedded behaviour of self-centric leadership. 25 years since the election in 1993, the political apparatus has not only visible from under-secretaries to upper echelon, the government-led party has likely viewed all public servants including teachers and arm-forces personnel are belonged to the party. Rationales behind this are following political abstracts: 1-party has survived them from atrocity, 2-party has fed them food and other amenity, 3-party has brought peace and security to them etc. Or sometime, the top leader boasted publicly about his rationales of his monopolistic suzerainty through what he has built roads, schools, and many other public goods especially his effort to maintain peace and security and capitalism etc.
Speaking from a pragmatism approach, CNRP which is inherited from decades of struggle has also been assimilated by this political behaviour, or caused by so-called Cambodia home-made democracy as sociologists may call it collective cognitive political behaviour.
Hence, CNRP has relied on pragmatism than idealism, or we can say maintaining outputs than throwing Sam Rainsy Returnout inputs because they don’t have much inputs to be thrown. We must agree that through this 25 years, human resource has hugely built within the government (government here refers to pragmatic collective body being inclusive of public servants, civil society member activists, and members of opposition political parties etc.) By looking from outside political behaviour, CNRP might at least take model of British Westminster System to its leadership core as this style is not only practised in those commonwealth states but also most democratic states. By looking at their key policy stating that CNRP stands on national reconciliation and unity by eradicating colouring each other, discrimination and patronage system through ameliorating following 6 core principles as you can read them all here , so I do believe CNRP must be working hard and working smart combining together.
Posted by: | Posted on: August 24, 2016

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 72

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 72

Op-Ed: The CEROC

This part (72) broadcasted by CMN Radio on August 08, 2016, Mr. Sophan Seng articulated on denial of NEC to open special registration date on Pchum Ben Day proposed by CNRP as well as facilitating good accessibility for migrant workers and overseas Cambodians.

Posted by: | Posted on: August 24, 2016

The State and the CPP: Cambodia’s Social Contract

លោកដេវិធធ្វើការវិភាគគួរអោយយកមកពិចារណា ហើយខ្ញុំសូមបន្ថែមចំណុចខ្លះដូចតទៅ៖
១. គណបក្សកាន់អំណាចធ្វើផ្គរធ្វើភ្លៀងគ្រប់យ៉ាងក្នុងការរំលោភច្បាប់និងរំលោភអំណាចដើម្បីអោយគណបក្សជំទាស់ពិកលពិការ តែគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចនឹងមិនបោះបង់ចោលការបោះឆ្នោតទេ ទោះបីមានមេដឹកនាំមួយចំនួនគួចមាត់អោយចេញពីជំហរនេះក៏ដោយ។
២. តែបើបោះឆ្នោតទៅ គណបក្សជំទាស់ឈ្នះឆ្នោត គណបក្សកាន់អំណាចទំនងជាមិនផ្ទេរអំណាចអោយទេ ឬបើគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចមានចេតនាចង់ផ្ទេរ តែមេដឹកនាំប្រដាប់អាវុធគ្រឹកៗនឹងមិនចង់អោយផ្ទេរឡើយបើមើលតាមលក្ខណ្ឌនៃទំរង់នយោបាយបច្ចុប្បន្ន។
៣.អ្វីដែលចំងល់មានលើសពីនេះគឺបើគណបក្សជំទាស់ឈ្នះការបោះឆ្នោត គណបក្សនេះអាចមានលទ្ធភាពកៀរគរការគាំទ្រពីបណ្តារកំឡាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធទាំងអស់នោះឬទេ? បើអាចជៀសបាន គួររៀបចំសេណារីយ៉ូបង្ការទុកមុនដូចប្រទេសភូមាបានឬអត់?
 
Mr. David critically analysed Cambodia politics in article and I would like to briefly add to it as following:
1. Government-led party has built up rains and storms to stifle opposition party even-though those activities are violating rule of laws or abusing their power but at the end, this party shall not give up election although there are few top officers wished to withdraw from this trajectory.
2. But when there are an election, opposition party wins the election, government-led party shall not transfer power or if government-led party wants to transfer, those arms-force’s high ranking officers are likely reluctant if we understand current form of political foundation.
3. What are beyond this thought is if opposition party won election, could this party persuade those arms-force’s high ranking officers to support them or not? To avoid future deadlock, Cambodia should pursue a type of scenario like Myanmar or not?
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The State and the CPP: Cambodia’s Social Contract

In Cambodia, Hun Sen’s CPP — not the government — has a monopoly on providing public goods.

By David Hutt
August 19, 2016

Op-Ed: The Diplomat 

Photo: articlesweb.org

Photo: articlesweb.org

Half way through writing this piece, the perfect encapsulation of the points I was intending to make was provided when Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen spoke to a group of 18-year-old high-schoolers on Wednesday. At the Hun Sen Bun Rany High School, named after himself and his wife, he asked: “You have been learning under the schools of samdech; how come you don’t vote for samdech?” (referring to his royally bestowed title that translates roughly as “lord”). He added: “How can you vote for the others when they have never built schools for you? Please help to tell your parents, too.”

Where to begin with such a remark? First, Hun Sen was breaking his own government’s law banning political propaganda at academic institutions. This isn’t the first time, though; in June, students in Pursat province were handed t-shirts bearing the words: “I love the Cambodian People’s Party.” Second, after breaking his own rules, which were reinforced by Minister of Education Hang Chuon Naron only a month earlier, the CPP’s spokesman Sok Eysan justified his actions by saying that Hun Sen is above Hang Chuon Naron, the insinuation being that all decisions certainly do lie with the boss. Third, and by far the most significant, his comments reveal the synonymous nature of the Cambodian State and the CPP.

Not unlike the reign of Norodom Sihanouk, or the Angkorean “god-kings” of earlier centuries, the current Cambodian system operates on the basis of noblesse oblige. The vision of society is one where education, health, roads, and other basic services are not provided by the State (as they are, or, arguably, should be, in most modern democratic countries) but by the CPP. Since 2003, there have been more than 4,000 schools built across Cambodia using private funds, and named after the prime minister or his wife. These are the so-called “Hun Sen schools.” The same goes for hospitals, roads, bridges, and other services and infrastructure. Many have been built from donations made by CPP-aligned oknhas. Traditionally the title given by the king to nobles, since a sub-decree in 1994 resurrected the honorific the number of oknhas has swelled, from 20 in 2004 to an estimated 700 in 2014. To become a member of this semantic club, one must donate $100,000 to the “greater good,” often basic infrastructure projects, and in return is granted material gratitude, and the turning of a few blind eyes. The Buddhist concept of merit no doubt has history here, though in the modern day it can be greatly exaggerated. Rather than karma, capital and power fuels the system.

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