Public is condemning radio and TV commentator Chhim Phal Virun and government spokesperson Phay Siphan when both of them appeared among nonviolent mass demonstration on September 15th, 16th and 17th, 2013. This incident occurred after the first condemnation was happened to a news outlet manager and TV commentator Soy Sopheap who was surrounded by the youth group during his lining up to cast his vote on July 28th, 2013.
Author Archives: CambodiaTreks
Comment on the Letter Answering to Foreign Media Outlet
Comment: reading the letter responding to the media outlet “The Nation of Thailand” by the spokesperson for Cambodia’s undersecretary of state Mr. Koy Kuong, has triggered my thought on the passive reaction or impassive responsiveness of the Cambodia’s political leadership. In school, I take for grant from all comments, feedbacks and critics to actively adopt, adjust and adjourn my presentation. The author has responded into small bullets to explain key point to the former article. Those bullets are clearly exhibiting the good intention of the later but visibly lacking diplomatic maturity and “macro political leadership”. For instance, the rebut on the verge of “Jasmine Spring” mentioned by the former, I think they referred to the turnout of voters to increase the seats of CNRP; but the rebut evidently reflected that the “Jasmine Spring” is the people power or mass demonstration to topple the incumbent leader.
Cambodian people free to choose for themselves
Special to The Nation September 4, 2013 1:00 am
In response to the article entitled “Cambodia: Sliding toward a ‘Jasmine Spring?’ by Lawrence Gundersen and Scott Mikalauskis, published on August 31:
First of all, after His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah of Brunei Darussalam, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is Asean’s longest-serving leader. He has been in office for so long due to the fact that the Cambodian people democratically elected him to power.
Second, how could Hun Sen and his political party have won the election on July 28 if his political base is simply “made up of the Lexus-owning class” of Cambodian society? To have won 68 out of 123 seats, an absolute majority in any democratic election, Hun Sen and his party certainly still have a broad base of political support. How could Gundersen and Mikalauskis have committed such a serious fallacy, unless they have lied or simply manipulated facts to serve their political agenda?
Third, with regard to the allegation that China “has been successful in using Cambodia to splinter ASEAN unity over the South China Sea”, I wish to remind you that Cambodia is not a “banana republic”. Cambodia is a sovereign and independent nation and a member of the United Nations, like the Kingdom of Thailand and the other 191 member states of the UN. No country, including China or the US, can use Cambodia to serve its political purpose.
Fourth, it is true that the joint communique (JC) of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting could not be issued last year. The reason was that two out of ten ASEAN member states had made their own respective claims to be included in the JC. Despite the efforts of Cambodia, as chair of ASEAN in 2012, to reach a political compromise in order for the JC to be released, there was no consensus. Therefore, it was the first time in the 45 years of ASEAN that two ASEAN members effectively blocked the issuance of the JC.
Fifth, it is normal in a democratic election process to see some technical irregularities. In the case of the US elections not many years ago, there were also electoral irregularities, which led to a ruling by the US Supreme Court. Therefore, if the US elections cannot be perfect, please do not impose a double standard on Cambodia. Cambodia has its own institutions, such as the National Election Committee (NEC) and the Constitutional Council (CC), which legally deal with electoral issues. Just last week, the CC ruled that electoral irregularities would not affect the results of the election.
Cambodian diaspora and the political change in Cambodia
While the deadline for mass rally has been announced by the leadership of CNRP on September 7, 2013, one day prior to the NEC’s official announcement of the national election result, the debate and discussion are richly exposing through the media and meeting tables. Puzzling questions are coined on the CNRP’s leadership to choose between mass rally or diplomatic negotiation, or both are instrumental for the effort?
According to the press released and continual announcement of the CNRP’s leadership, both scenarios are clearly displayed to garner political progressive for a new update of political culture in Cambodia.
Responsiveness
One of the effective work is the responsiveness. The leadership of CNRP has worked well responsive to the demand of the supporters. It is part of the democratic principle that being a leader is not a divine power but a supportive energy from the supporters. 30% of Cambodian youths have been calling for change and genuine reform in Cambodia. The preliminary result of election doesn’t satisfy those youths, so the optional mass solidarity is not a mere or flimsy future. I think the announcement of mass rally is the preparedness to answer their demand for their bright future.
However, the locus of CNRP’s leadership are still mainly focusing on diplomatic solution. As we all know, this party is created by the people whose weapons are not guns or tanks, but two empty hands, two bear feet and one head. These equipments are the manifestation of non-violence and tolerance. If the negotiation results is in vain, just “let it go” like Nelson Mandela said for the mass rally but it must be non-violence and in the manner of very well organized. As a matter of fact, many Cambodian people especially youths are cheerfully and bravely to come out to the street to participate with any type of peaceful mass rally.
For Cambodian diapora, beside of coming out to the street everywhere around the world to join the rally, they have also petitioned their constituents to pay attention at the irregularities of Cambodian election.
Cambodian diaspora in Canada
To what I have known, the CNRP’s supporters in Canada has tirelessly worked to lobby its government about the Cambodian election and its result irregularities. Attached here is the letter to the Minister of Foreign Affair of Canada through local constituencies to support the request of CNRP’s quest for free and fair election in Cambodia by including civil society and the United Nations into the commission of investigation body on those vast election irregularities.
Further to this, there was a response from the government of Canada certifying that the
view of Sheila Copps on her capacity to the result of Cambodian election on the July 28th, 2013, is just her personal view, it doesn’t represent the view of the Canadian government at all.
These activities of Cambodian diaspora are very vivid and effective in utilizing the power of diplomacy and non-violence campaign responsive to the CNRP’s key leadership.
Post National Election and The Challenges
The protest on the irregularities of the National Election in Cambodia on July 28, 2013 has become tense as the NEC has been distrusted by the people and international communities in conducting a free and fair election.
Analysts have been surprised by the huge crowd of Cambodian people especially youths participated in the political campaign, voting and observing their ballots.
From the stance of CNRP, the irregularities and NEC’s alone to handle complaints in the election is irrelevant. Third party such as civil society and United Nations are in need to ensure free and fair and possibly help the NEC to gain its credit as well. If NEC decide to solve problem by itself or participating only two key political parties, it will not assure the free and fair; and it undermines the will and rights of the electorates because NEC itself is the defendant and it can not play its role as the plaintiff at the same time.
Following are some evidences of competitive result, ballot protecting of those voters and recent gathering of the CNRP’s leaders to “thanks” the supporters.