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Cambodia in Between China and America
After reading this article “Cambodia today or is China eating America’s lunch in South East Asia” by Zsuzanna Biedermann published in 2010, I am recalled to the previous article on “Geopolitics right of Cambodia in between China and Vietnam“. The article reminds us on how important China run faster than America in Cambodia as well as in South East Asia countries. One of the Chinese’s top lines is the ethno-Chinese population living in Cambodia and those countries. Chinese-Cambodians and Cambodian-Chinese are very receptive to total Cambodian population.
The author also repeated the saying that “There are a number of reasons why Cambodia is receptive to China. One is the way it does business. China understands Cambodia. It doesn’t throw us scraps of aid and then scold us in front of the world like a naughty child. That is not the Asian way – that is the colonial way.”.
Hence, Vietnam’s policy to dominate Cambodia and Lao is just their exit way from China’s hegemony. In some situation, China can oversea all Vietnamese desires to counter-strike its hegemony, but China could not see the Vietnamese waves flowing under the water surface – the infiltration of Vietnamese populations through intermarriage, accustomization and acculturalization such as changing the last name and first name, dressing the local traditional etiquette, and speaking the Khmer and Laotian language etc.
Institution Building through Absolute Majority or Half plus One in the Assembly
Preamble:
There are continual blame-games on Sam Rainsy who proposed CPP to amend the Constitution from Two Third Majority to Half plus One Majority, or Absolute Majority vote in the Assembly to create a new government. In 2006, the Cambodia Daily described in details this new approach that was in tense and government sent armed-security to safeguard Sam Rainsy by the proposal of opposition party members. From different perspectives, the move is a good choice to create a “Two Parties State” of Cambodia for a long run future. It has also encouraged the winning party to executing their executive members into more Responsible, Accountable, and Removable. Click on this link for numeral systems concerning Cambodia’s Political System of Assembly.
Absolute Majority within the National Constitution and Internal Regulation of the Assembly is Blurry:
Last time I wrote “the people must hold government accountable and responsible, in which the government cabinet is answerable to, and removable by, the majority of parliamentarian” in which Majority here is very interesting.
Majority could include “Simple Majority”, or “Absolute Majority”, or “Super Majority”. Here, I am going to articulate more on Cambodia’s adopted Majority or “half plus one” or “50% + 1” in which it is fallen into “Absolute Majority”. Majority itself could be mandated through all 120 Cambodian law-makers, or just those who are presenting during the vote. The internal rules of Cambodian assembly dictates that it must represent the whole 120 of parliamentarian in according to Article 41 (new) but it is already inscribed in the Constitution (pic attached). When I looked at Constitution in Article 90, it has still used unclear term “Absolute Majority”, or this version is too old (has not yet included the new amendment yet) (pic attached).
Principle 35 (new):
The National Assembly can dismiss any minister or the Royal Government from office by adopting “Blaming Notification” based on the absolute majority of the whole parliament members.
The Blaming Notification on the Royal Government must be raised to the National Assembly by at least 30 MPs so that the National Assembly can discuss it.
Institution Building through this Absolute Majority or Half + 1:
Firstly, truly, Sam Raimsy has projected long term scenario for Cambodia future by putting all efforts since he has become opposition leader. His leadership and method to adopting half+1 is to ensure that Cambodia future change shall be a democratic system of two political parties state. His prediction is correct with the current rolling wheel of the CNRP and CPP.
Secondly, the key points to implement this new Assembly formula is to alter all political non-will of other parties that have been created to just a pawn or a tool or a decor for the government-led party. It has tremendously discouraged corruption and inefficiency of pluralism.
Thirdly, to actualize the concept of “government of the people, for the people, and removable by the people”. Or it is popularly to say “the people must hold government accountable and responsible, in which the government cabinet is answerable to, and removable by, the majority of parliamentarian”. At the moment, the government-led party CPP has no excuse by assigning blames to any coalition party as the party alone must be responsible, answerable, and removable.
The Goodness and the Challenges of Institution Building Processes:
Buddha said “Everything is impermanent (Anicam), decaying (Dukkham), and non-substantial (Anatta). All beings are born, aged, sick, and dead”. Hence, the Buddha established the Sangha institution in which this principle community has survived without focusing much on manpower but using pure principles or Rule of Laws. Buddhist Sangha has lasted more than 2558 years today.
However, the Establishment of Institution is a double-edged sword. A strong Institution could be successful when the principles and institution itself is aiming towards a progress. Historically speaking, Khmer Rouge regime is known for the Demolition of Political Institution. But the arrival of Vietnamese force in the 1979 to replace the Khmer Rouge, has been known for its effort to Establish an Institution. Scholars and observers have noticed that the Institution that has been created by Vietnam since 1979 has remained its lifespan till today, and it is still evidently proven to all of us.
Responsible government means Answerable and Removable
In democratic countries, their vocal messages are: the people must hold government accountable and responsible, in which the government cabinet is answerable to, and removable by, the majority of parliamentarian.
Recent development of Cambodia politics has emerged two pressing issues considerable to this article: 1. the statement by HE Sam Rainsy on his page on “A Political Legacy for Future Generations”; 2. PM Hun Sen’s speech at the Graduation Ceremony by articulating on 12 imbalancing issues of Cambodia.
Institution Building
As agreed by closed door meeting to end deadlock on the different opinions of National Election Candidates, the loose some gain some approaches from both parties, have come to an end of approving and guaranteeing to: 1. receiving TV and Radio license for the opposition CNRP, 2. amending internal rule of national assembly in article 48 (new) to recognize new status of opposition party leader as “Official Opposition” entitling the minority leader with privileges and position paralleling to Prime Minister (we have not known how much this Minority Leader status can resume privileges and power but PM Hun Sen has already said the position is not bestowed by the King and he/she can not command arm-force and execute the executive cabinet etc) 3. the deadline to approve the new NEC is no later than February 2015.
There are different arguments on how this approach can boost Institution Building? As the matter of fact, opposition(s) in Cambodia has long marched in its uphill journey in Cambodia’s history. Many leaders, as observed, have developed their political agenda by privatizing and monopolizing power for himself/herself by strengthening their party inside the government, rather than employing long-sighted vision to build a fruitful political party system inclusive for all. In the past, the opposition parties were shortages in several means to strengthen itself as the responsible and answerable force (in criticizing crusades) towards the government for the genuine development of Cambodia. Those shortages are variable including financial support, media channels, true partnering bond within the assembly, and much more etc.
The means to access to strengthening the opposition is truly one of the foundations towards “Institution Building” in Cambodia. FYI, Cambodia has no record of Opposition has become Government through Free and Fair Election at all.
The Conflict of Generation in Cambodia and the Mindset of Policy Maker
In Cambodia, those post-baby boomers are known for their conceptualization on the Politics of the United Nations, Human Rights, Democracy, Free and Fair Election, and Freedom. They have lived through time of political reconciliation, non-violence, culture of dialogue, democratic elections, economic liberalization, social injustice, social gap, minimum wage and jobs seeking, and contesting leadership of two party state of Cambodia. They were not divided by monarchy and anti-monarchy, political violence of systematic atrocity and revenge, but experienced the Vietnamese military presence in Cambodia. They are not xenophobic, paranoiac, or irrational in general. They are more into conflict resolution than conflict revolution.
They were born out of fear and PTSD syndromes. Their attitudes are likely rebellious and pertaining sophisticated public expressing. They like to take risk and adventuring in life cultivation. They have not been reluctant to seek new world or new unknown territories such as traveling to abroad for jobs or to urban areas for new decent career opportunities. Those have become family chief, not the parents or elder siblings as ever been before. They are used to with smart phone and internet media. Like those post-baby boomers, but slightly different, those silent generations of Cambodia are more rebellious than post-baby boomers and engaging deeper into the world of mystery, fantasy, and unpredictability. Their political approaches are sharp and vital. Their worldview is justice, equality and freedom.
Last time, I described the shock of political culture of Cambodia and the
Courtesy and Copyright by Sophoan Seng
prospect to gaining new social fabric of this society through the new approaches of opposition party CNRP; today I am keen to explore some argument that can boost the right decision-making for the policy maker in organizing political party.
What has shocked political culture of Cambodia? – The three dichotomous generations through experiencing three distinctive political patterns in Cambodia such as generation of anti-monarchy (1970-1975), generations of violence (1975-1979), and generation of foreign occupation who accumulated extreme sentiment over Vietnamese hegemony (1979-1990). At least, individual Cambodian has possessed one of these syndromes, two, or all of them. The dividing Cambodian society has been illustrated by this political shock.
What is the conflict of generation in Cambodia? – According to the research of demographic change in Cambodia, at present, there are at least 70% of Cambodian population are aged under 38 years old. This youth bulk figure has impregnably indicated the domination of youth or younger generation. This generation is counted into post-baby boomers and silent generation. They are called post-baby boomers because they were born out of affection of the three syndromes-problematic generations. They are called the silent generation because their belief, behavior and future vision are out of traditional norms, unpredictable, and mysterious. While most of their spending time is with the internet and facebook, they have overwhelmingly expressed with their peers in a very secretive way.