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Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia by CDI
Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of Leaders in Three Communes of Three Provinces
By Thon Vimealea, Ou Sivhuoch, Eng Netra and Ly Tem
CDRI–Cambodia’s Leading Independent Development Policy Research Institute CDRI Working Paper Series No. 42
What is leadership? How does it constitute and shape local politics? How is leadership understood and practised in the local context? Do changes in the institutions of local government affect the way leadership is perceived, understood and practised? Do they bring demands for different ways and styles of leadership and perhaps different leaders? How is leadership gendered and is this changing? This chapter aims to provide a relevant framework within which to discuss the empirical data relating to these questions. It begins by discussing important concepts that shape leadership—power, authority, and legitimacy – as explained and defined in international literature, including classic social science. From a look at these concepts, we would be able to identify who has power, what kinds of power they have and who exactly has power to influence the agenda; how those in power exercise their authority, whether they have the necessary legitimacy to do so, and what kinds of legitimacy they have and need.
Since cultural context has a far-reaching effect on the functioning of power and authority, and therefore also leadership, the chapter then discusses particular cultural forms in south-east Asia. In particular, we discuss how patron-client networks influence political leadership in Southeast Asia and shape how leadership and governance are practised and perceived in these countries; and how such practice and understanding of political leadership have changed or transformed amidst political and economic transformations as a result of globalisation and a trend towards more democratic rule. In reviewing local leadership in Cambodia, different domains of power and their relevance to Cambodia’s current political context, especially under decentralisation, are discussed before looking at general and specific literature on gender in leadership.
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 47
![](https://www.sophanseng.info/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/HE-Sam-Rainsy-11-150x150.jpg)
This part (47), Mr. Sophan Seng has continued to analyse on the political tension between Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) and Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Focusing on the weak national institution or lacking of political institution for the nation, the current shape of Cambodia political landscape is remained fragile. Though, political figures ie Somdach Hun Sen and HE Sam Rainsy have jointly established “Culture of Dialogue” to avoid further dividing according to Khmer proverb said “Tide up, fish eat ant; water recess, ant eat fish”. But this new approach is not enough to bring about change, and it has been fragile as the state’s political institution basing on the “Rule of Laws” has not been established.
Question on independence of three branches: Executive, Assembly, and Court implementing in a civilized state, how does it work as Member of Parliament must serve as Minister appointed by a winning party? In practice, Canada’s Minister couldn’t monopolize power or reshuffle the Ministry at all as those technicians and expertise are remained in position protected by the Law; or whenever Minister is changed or transferred, those expertise are fully respected in the same posts. For the Minister themselves, if they got less votes among their party’s rival/candidate within their constituent, the Minister Post shall also been affected.
This is contradictory to Cambodia that Members of Parliament are bordered by province boundary which is larger than ability of each MP to oversea it. More than this, MP Candidacy is appointed by party without conducting election to be chosen within their circle at all.
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 46
![](https://www.sophanseng.info/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/New-Year-Eve-2016-150x150.jpg)
This part (46), Mr. Sophan Seng continued to analyse the ongoing political tension in Cambodia between government-led party and opposition party that has affected people livelihood and foreign investments.
As mentioned previously, a strong political institution nation has never been shaken by the conflict among political parties because this conflict, in nature, aims to boost social benefits and development. However, public speech of Prime Minister of Cambodia on war and other threatening speech, without investigating from the court on his intentional public threat, is considered a violation on independent judiciary body, and this is an act of totalitarian political maneuver.
Cambodia has seen as a fragile state because of lacking legal enforcement towards wrongdoers especially among the upper echelon. Since the establishment of “Kingdom of Cambodia” through the general election sponsored by the United Nations in 1993, Cambodia has likely slip away from the overall intention: to reduce central power through empowering civil society and not-government-led political parties towards totalitarianism. Recent phenomena of political attitude maneuvered by PM Hun Sen in many occasions such as warning about war triggering if he is voted out of power, warning about retaliation of mass demonstration in Phnom Penh and it was happened including deadly violence against two members of parliament from the opposition party, and many other recorded speech etc. is a testimony of power monopoly contradictory to the intention of the United Nations.
Without strengthening the political institution through enforcing the laws by implementing impartial judiciary system, Cambodia is remained a fragile state.