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Posted by: | Posted on: October 9, 2016

NO LIBERAL GOVERNMENT AS LONG AS HUN SEN LIVES

NO LIBERAL GOVERNMENT AS LONG AS HUN SEN LIVES

October 4, 2016
By Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D.
                                                    

Hun Sen 4Am I witnessing an encore of Khmers resuming political circle dancing, the Ramvong, moving hands and feet, going around and around in a circle, setting aside their recent posture of traditional Chul Trei Krem, or Siamese (Beta) fish fighting game described in my last article?  

Premier Hun Sen warned against CNRP demonstrations. He stepped up intimidation, draconian judicial ruling, arrests. Nineteen 19 opposition figures, several rights workers and women activists are in jail; starting Aug. 31, masked armed soldiers cruised the area around the CNRP headquarters, navy boats with machineguns docked in the Bassac River, and helicopters hovered above.  

Politically, he tossed aside the Sep. 12 bipartisan H. Res. 728 resolution of the U.S. House of Representatives that condemns political repressions and rights abuses by his government, and calls for free and fair elections in Cambodia. Regarding the Sep. 13 Geneva statement by 39 governments urging him to respect human rights, “including the freedoms of expression, association and assembly,” Hun Sen told his Ambassador to the UN to respond bluntly: “[W]e do not welcome interference in our political situation.”

On the other hand, CNRP Sam Rainsy spoke via Skype from Paris on Sep. 12, asking Khmer youth activists gathering at the CNRP headquarters in Phnom Penh if they were ready to join mass demonstrations of 2013-2014 types. The youth gave him a resounding response “Yes!” Although holed up in the building for more than four months since May to avoid arrest, CNRP Kem Sokha’s speech left no room for misunderstanding: “We cannot lie down, let them tie our hands and legs, close our nose and mouth until we die. Even animals would fight!”

The scene was that of agitated Beta fighting fishes that turned bright and dashing colors, flared their gills, showed their long fins, twisted their bodies, tightened their abdomen, each ready to rip out the other’s gills in a fight? Khmer political opponents huffed and puffed to show their respective real or perceived power. The stage was set for Chul Trei Krem. 

And Prime Minister Hun Sen upped the ante. He declared in a speech on Sep. 19 that he was set to unleash armed military violence to “eliminate” those joining mass demonstrations: “Let me challenge all of you to come out and demonstrate now, the sooner the better.” He advised CNRP figures to return to the National Assembly, “the only place to talk,” and added, “I would be a dog if I were to negotiate” with the CNRP (on dropping court cases against Kem Sokha and political prisoners). Recall that Hun Sen swore earlier that he would cut off his own hand if he were to use it to sign a new pardon for Sam Rainsy to return to Cambodia. On Sep. 26, Rainsy told BBC-TV he is considering returning, amnesty from arrest notwithstanding. Hun Sen welcomed him to jail. 

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Posted by: | Posted on: October 7, 2016

Past democracy and dictatorship leadership of Cambodia have embedded in Cambodia

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 78

This part (78), Mr. Sophan is reflecting on the article of Cambodia Daily written on history of democracy

Courtesy: Reuters

Courtesy: Reuters

and dictatorship evolution in Cambodia. First time, Cambodian voters were lining up to cast their ballots on September 1st, 1946 or 70 years ago; also current Cambodia Constitution that bestows Monarch’s rule under constitution was born in 1947.

At the end, and as we are witnessing nowadays, the dictatorship leadership has taken place over and over again. The corruption has been pervasive, and brave men who have stood up to against the corruption have been dismissed and discarded from leadership ring by the most powerful leader(s) or by their groups of autocrats.

Posted by: | Posted on: October 5, 2016

Don’t think we’ve forgotten: why Cambodia’s leadership needs to change its tune

Don’t think we’ve forgotten: why Cambodia’s leadership needs to change its tune

Hobbes’ state of “continual fear, and danger of violent death,” prevails for those thinkers and artists in Cambodia who dare to dream a different future.

Flickr/Michael Coghlan. Some rights reserved.

Flickr/Michael Coghlan.

Some rights reserved.“I am thankful for Hun Sen,” a Cambodian actress once told me. “Without him, the Khmer Rouge would have killed off every last one of us.” Her gratitude is no platitude. It is anchored in grief for the countless theatrical kin she lost to a regime that epitomised Hobbe’s leviathan: “No arts; no letters; no society.”

The Khmer Rouge regime was (per Hobbes), “nasty, brutish and short.” Founded in April 1975, it was toppled on 7 January 1979 not through international action but by a renegade movement, backed by Vietnam and spearheaded by three ex-Khmer Rouge cadre. The most junior in age and rank was Hun Sen, who is now in his thirty-first year in office and Asia’s longest serving prime minister.

The actress who expressed her debt to Hun Sen was speaking from the heart. From such sentiments,

About the author Penny Edwards is Associate Professor of Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley.

About the author
Penny Edwards is Associate Professor of Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley.

Hun Sen and the Cambodian People’s Party have carved their redemption narrative. The message is clear: we have saved you from terror, and if we fall, Cambodia will return to darkness. A major plank of propaganda in the 1980s, this mantra of self-sacrifice has been a mainstay of the Party’s campaign trail since the UN-sponsored election of 1993. A keynote of this anthem is that the Khmer Rouge killed off Cambodia’s artists and intellectuals, reducing a once glorious culture to rubble.

The message is clear: we have saved you from terror, and if we fall, Cambodia will return to darkness.

One such artist was singer and songwriter Sinn Sisamouth (1932-1976), whose genius is celebrated in the 2015documentary Don’t think I’ve forgotten: Cambodia’s lost Rock and Roll. If digital retouch has restored fresh intimacy to Sinn Sisamouth’s voice, the passage of time has worked a different magic, rebirthing the title love-song as a posthumous threnody to its creator and, by extension, to all artists killed by the Khmer Rouge.

“Don’t think I’ve forgotten” Sinn Sisamouth croons, “I remember everything, so many stories.” The Khmer word for “stories”(roeung) has a wide range. It can also refer to “events”, including those of a political nature. To “seek” (rook) roeung means to look for trouble or stir things up.

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Posted by: | Posted on: October 3, 2016

Exclusiveness Leadership shall cause social intractable conflicts and divisions in Cambodia

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 77

This part (77), Mr. Sophan described on how “exclusive policy” has been pervasive in Cambodian society under the leadership of Hun Sen.

Courtesy: crisismagazine

Courtesy: crisismagazine

As evident, the conviction of Kem Sokha on his accusation by not showing at the court as witness, is not relevant. The witness absence with legitimate cause and representation shall not be fallen into such crime conviction.

The governance system in many other fields have displayed biases and exclusiveness which lead to future stagnation of developing this country. Without having inclusiveness in leadership shall be ended up with intractable conflicts and divisions in our society.